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Scholarly/analytic critique of a journal article
. You will select a scholarly article based on original research (research that uses primary data) in the field of urban studies and write an analytical critique of it. Your paper will summarize the research undertaken, discuss the approach and methodology chosen for the research and offer an opinion as to whether these were appropriate to the research; you will also offer an opinion on the credibility of the data produced and the conclusions drawn. This is not a ‘book report’. You are expected to engage with the issues raised in the article and to conclude by pointing out questionsarising from these issues and how they were addressed (or not) by the author/s. Questions you may want to ask yourself include:
1. Has the author formulated a problem/issue?
2. Is it clearly defined? Is its significance (scope, severity, relevance) clearly established?
3. Could the problem have been approached more effectively from another perspective?
4. What is the author's research orientation (e.g., interpretive, critical science, combination)?
5. What is the author's theoretical framework (e.g., psychological, developmental, feminist)?
6. What is the relationship between the theoretical and research perspectives?
7. Has the author evaluated the literature relevant to the problem/issue? Does the author
include literature taking positions she or he does not agree with?
8. In a research study, how good are the basic components of the study design (e.g., population,
intervention, outcome)? How accurate and valid are the measurements? Is the analysis of the
data accurate and relevant to the research question? Are the conclusions validly based upon
the data and analysis?
9. In material written for a popular readership, does the author use appeals to emotion,
one-sided examples, or rhetorically-charged language and tone? Is there an objective basis to
the reasoning, or is the author merely "proving" what he or she already believes?
10. How does the author structure the argument? Can you "deconstruct" the flow of the
argument to see whether or where it breaks down logically (e.g., in establishing cause-effect
11. In what ways does this book or article contribute to our understanding of the problem
under study, and in what ways is it useful for practice? What are the strengths and limitations?
12. How does this book or article relate to the specific thesis or question I am developing?
The paper may not exceed 1,000 words (not including title page and bibliography); please do a word count and note final tally on the title page (on all assignments). Put the full reference of the article on the front page and attach a copy of the article to your paper. If you chose to use other readings to aid you in your analysis they must be referenced at the end of the assignment using Chicago style. This is a misleadingly short assignment: clear and concise writing requires structure, thought, and repeated editing.
SUBURBANISATION AND INTERNATIONAL IMMIGRATION: THE CASE OF THE BARCELONA METROPOLITAN REGION (1998–2009)tesg_687 312..329
JORDI BAYONA-CARRASCO & FERNANDO GIL-ALONSO
Received: November 2010; accepted August 2011
ABSTRACT In this last decade, Spanish urban areas have received large amounts of international immigrants, modifying (sub)urban dynamics. The paper specifically explores the metropolitan region of Barcelona (RMB), where, between 1998 and 2009, foreign nationality residents rose from 1.8 to 14.9 per cent of total population. Research focuses on the impact of foreign immigration on three specific dynamics: population growth and distribution/segregation of both Spanish and foreign populations within the metropolitan area; their respective residential mobility patterns; and consequences on their age and sex structure. Results show that there are remarkable differences between the two populations: foreign immigrants have preferably settled in the core city’s least affluent neighbourhoods and, in a second phase, in inner ring municipalities, while the Spanish population continues to move to suburban municipalities.
Key words: Foreign nationality population, international immigration, residential mobility, sub- urbanisation, Barcelona metropolitan area
In the late twentieth and early twenty first cen- turies, Spanish population size and composi- tion, as well as that of other Mediterranean countries, have been deeply transformed due to the arrival of millions of foreign immigrants. Over the last years, Spain, previously one of the EU countries with the lowest foreign share (1.6% in 1998, Eurostat data), has received the biggest immigration flows within Europe (Ribas-Mateos 2004; Domingo & Gil-Alonso 2007), and is presently leading this indicator. According to the most recent padrón (local reg- ister) data, on 1 January 2010, foreign residents represented a 12.2 per cent1 of the total popu- lation or, in other words, there were 5,747,734 foreign citizens. This phenomenon has had a strong impact on many demographic para-
meters, as the Spanish population, previously facing stagnation or even diminution, has sub- stantially increased and been rejuvenated.
It has not had the same effect throughout the territory. Previous work shows that in historic urban centres (Valero 2008), and certain rural areas (Bayona & Gil-Alonso 2010), it has slowed ageing and depopulation. However, its major impact has probably been on Spanish large metropolitan areas, where some of its specifici- ties make it, in our opinion, a particularly inter- esting case to study. Large foreigner flows have arrived in a short time, and migrants’ diffusion throughout the metropolitan area practically commenced from the beginning. At the same time, the registration system has also been improved. The Padrón continuo – existing since 1998 – allows us to follow local and foreign population growth, distribution and mobility
Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie – 2012, DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9663.2011.00687.x, Vol. 103, No. 3, pp. 312–329. © 2011 The Authors Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie © 2011 Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG Published by Blackwell Publishing Ltd., 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA
patterns at the municipality level, thus, permit- ting to annually analyse settlement dynamics in both populations. Our initial hypothesis is that residential mobility plays an essential role in foreign population’s initial settlement throughout Spanish metropolitan regions, which, in turn, complements Spaniards’ intra-metropolitan moves, intensifying and making suburbanisation trends spatially more complex.
This paper analyses foreign residential mobility patterns in the metropolitan region of Barcelona (RMB) between 1998 and 2009, when there was a massive inflow of foreign migrants due to the prevailing economic boom – lasting up to 2007. Geographically speaking, the RMB is a densely populated area which holds the city of Barcelona (1.62 million in- habitants living in 100 km2) and the surround- ing municipalities, functionally dependant on the core city, particularly in economic and in labour market terms. It is made up of 164 municipalities extending 3,236 km2 and holding 5.01 million inhabitants (2010 Padrón continuo data), 744,514 of which are foreigners, with a mean of more than 140,000 residential moves per year.
The paper will develop as follows: once the theoretical framework and data are presented, it will firstly focus on population growth and distribution within the RMB. It will then analyse foreigners’ residential mobility patterns and their impact on the general trends. And finally, it will concentrate on its effects on the age and sex structure, taking territorial aspects into account. These three dimensions will be examined from both a demographical and geographical perspective, that it to say, auto- chthonous and foreign populations will be separately studied and the central city (Barce- lona) differentiated from its suburbs.
Yet, as the RMB is not a homogeneous space, we consider that the central city/periphery dichotomy is not enough to explain population and mobility differences. Though diverse met- ropolitan suburb typologies have been identi- fied for the US on the basis of socioeconomic, demographic or racial factors (Katz & Lang 2003; Mikelbank 2004; Hanlon et al. 2006), we do not believe them to be appropriate for Spanish cities. Instead, distance between subur- ban municipalities and the main city centre has
been used as the main criterion, grouping municipalities into seven categories (Barcelona plus six 10-km wide concentric rings). Conse- quently, one of our aims will be to observe whether distance to the urban core influences the proportion of foreigners, as it seems to do in the US, where the racial composition of met- ropolitan fringe suburbs is less heterogeneous than that of those located closer-in (Frey 2005; Hall & Lee 2010), or if dynamics are more similar to that of European metropolitan areas. In the following sections differences between Europe and the US regarding suburbanisation- foreign immigration relationship trends will be highlighted.
FOREIGN IMMIGRATION AND SUBURBANISATION: THE EUROPEAN CONTEXT
Spanish cities have followed classic Euro- pean metropolitan patterns (Cheshire 1995; Champion 2001; Nel·lo 2004;) and, as their city centres are gaining population once again, are apparently entering the last recentralisation phase. Nevertheless, former suburban inha- bitants are not returning to the city centre, as the ‘recentralisation’ concept usually suggests. Growth is more directly related to the arrival of foreign immigrants, while local population maintains its de-concentration trends. The novelty would be foreigners’ incorporation to this process (Bayona & Gil-Alonso 2008; Pozo & García 2009).
Relationships between international immi- gration and urban population changes have been widely explored by many Western Europe and US researchers from many perspectives, including the native foreign-born household homeownership gap (Bonvalet et al. 1995; Borjas 2002; Carter et al. 2007; Bolt et al. 2008; Hamnett & Butler 2010), differences between immigrant and native residential mobility behaviour (López-Gay 2008; Zorlu & Latten 2009), and its impact on foreign population segregation (Bolt & Van Kempen 2010), or – within the urban sprawl versus the compact city debate – the impact of foreign immigrants on urban compactness and density changes (Fulton et al. 2001, Myers 2001; Bae 2004). Bae (2004) argues that, in large American metro- politan areas, immigration and urban density
SUBURBANISATION AND INTERNATIONAL IMMIGRATION 313
© 2011 The Authors Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie © 2011 Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG
are strongly positively associated as new (mainly poor) immigrants crowd into the existing central cities’ housing stocks instead of gener- ating a new demand for new (sub)urban devel- opments, providing a significant offset to suburbanisation and exurbanisation. However, in the longer run, when immigrants experience upward social mobility, some of them often replicate the behaviour of the native born and move towards the suburbs. Seemingly, in Western Europe the phenomenon would behave differently and there would essentially be two main types of suburban areas. High standard residential areas are receiving medium to high purchasing power families – including immigrant ones experiencing upward social mobility – while post-war low quality neighbourhoods, with increasing pro- blems, may potentially be receiving large numbers of low income foreign immigrants (Van Kempen & Murie 2009). Great Britain, where the population of Asian origin is being incorporated to general British suburbanisa- tion trends, in a similar way as the rest of the same social category British people (Peach 1998), can be cited as an example of the former type. The second could be exemplified by the Netherlands, where foreigners form a substan- tial part of suburbanisation flows, even repre- senting 40 per cent of Rotterdam’s migrants and 50 per cent of those moving to Amsterdam (Bolt et. al. 2008). These authors point to housing availability as its main driving force. Similarly, Bonvalet et al. (1995) exposed the same motives for France, where there are sig- nificant suburbanisation flows towards sub- urban social housing.
Due to the characteristic lack of social housing, South European cities should be con- sidered apart. Malheiros (2002) argues that as medium and lower social classes are becoming intensively suburbanised, foreigner suburba- nisation flows towards these areas are also sub- stantial. Arbaci (2008) brings the argument further by claiming that foreigner suburbanisa- tion does not, as in the American case, mean an improvement in their living conditions. On the contrary, in areas like southern European cities, where the main tenancy regime is pro- perty, suburbanisation is frequently linked to worse housing conditions (Arbaci & Malheiros 2010).
With this in mind, recent RMB foreign suburbanisation – as in other Spanish cities (Bayona et al. 2011) – would, at least in this first phase, only represent an expansion of Barce- lona’s housing market to inner ring suburbs (adjacent municipalities placed less than 10km away from Barcelona’s city centre) forming a contiguous built-up area with it. These well con- nected areas, built in the 1950s and 1960s for Spanish immigrants, offer low price housing – to rent or buy – in low quality neighbourhoods which are emptying for life cycle and biological reasons (López-Gay 2008; Bayona & Gil-Alonso 2008). Foreigners, for their part, are gradually gaining access to property and are progressively occupying them (Pareja-Eastaway 2009; Vono & Bayona 2010).
Three statistical data sources, collected and published by the Spanish National Statistical Institute (INE), have been used: the Padrón continuo or the local continuous register – ref- erenced to 1 January of each year – collecting stock data on the Spanish and foreign nation- ality population; the Movimiento Natural de la Población (MNP) or the natural population movement statistics, gathering natural growth flows (births and deaths); and finally the Estadística de Variaciones Residenciales (EVR) or the residential change statistics, covering variations of municipality of residence, and therefore supplying migratory growth flows (immigration and emigration).
The INE’s Padrón continuo results from co-ordinating and crosschecking municipal administrative registers called padrónes. It is updated each year on 1 January, giving, since 1998 (the year when our research period starts), the official population figure for each of Spanish municipalities and the country as a whole. It crosses the population’s age and sex by their place of residence and nationality. According to Spanish law (Ley de Bases de Régimen Local), everyone residing in the country, independently from their legal situa- tion, has the right and the duty to be registered in their local padrón. Foreigners, including recent and irregular immigrants, usually do it, as this gives them access to free public health
314 JORDI BAYONA-CARRASCO & FERNANDO GIL-ALONSO
© 2011 The Authors Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie © 2011 Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG
and education. Therefore, its figures are con- sidered to be a good estimate of the actual number of foreigners living in Spain.
The Movimiento Natural de la Población (MNP), produced by the INE with the birth, marriage and death bulletins it receives from the local Registros Civiles (Civil Registers), col- lects births, marriages and deaths that have taken place in Spain. Overall birth and death figures are used by the paper to obtain RMB migratory growth through the so-called com- pensatory equation method,2 where natural growth (births minus deaths) is subtracted from total population growth between two suc- cessive years (obtained from Padrón data). Both MNP and Padrón microdata have been pro- vided by the Institut d’Estadística de Catalunya (Idescat).
The Estadística de Variaciones Residenciales (EVR) collects migratory flows between Spanish municipalities or between one of these and another country, by nationality. It is annually elaborated by the INE by exploit- ing data from local padrónes on new regis- trations and deletions due changes in the municipality of residence. Even though data on dwelling moves between Spanish munici- palities are reasonably reliable (Recaño 2002), new registrations of people arriving from abroad and deletions of those residents moving to another country are rather poorly compiled (Gil-Alonso 2010). Therefore, while the EVR will be used to estimate internal flows between RMB municipalities, the afore- mentioned compensatory equation will be employed to calculate external migratory flows,3 that is to say, those between the RMB and other areas.
FOREIGN IMMIGRATION’S IMPACT ON RMB’S DEMOGRAPHIC GROWTH
As Cabré & Módenes (1997) confirm, between 1981 and 1996, the RMB’s population size prac- tically did not vary, remaining at around 4.25 million inhabitants throughout the period. Yet, its population was redistributed. While the city of Barcelona – as other large Spanish cities (Nel·lo 2004) – and its continuous urban area (large metropolitan inner-ring towns) lost population (about 250,000 inhabitants) due
to initial suburbanisation processes; the most external suburban municipalities and the rest of Catalonia became destination points (Mendizábal 1992; Miret 1998; Módenes 1998; Módenes & Pascual 1998; Pujadas 2005, 2009). However, when, in the late 1990s, international migration irrupted, trends changed becoming a turning point. From then on Barcelona and the RMB as a whole started gaining population once again.
The arrival of foreign immigrants and their impact on the metropolitan population: a strong growth between 1998 and 2009 – Before immigrants’ explosive increase in the late 1990s, the number of foreigners living in the RMB was relatively small. In 1991 they were only 47,591 (census data) and five years later they were 66,758 (1996 padrón), respectively repre- senting a 1.1 per cent and 1.6 per cent of the total population. However, in the late 1990s and early 2000s, their numbers quickly started to rise: from 214,028 in 2001 – the equivalent to 4.9 per cent of the population – to above half a million in 2005, and 741.561 in January 2009 – representing a 14.9 per cent of the RMB population4.
As observed in Figure 1, local level impact is particularly strong and differences in munici- pality shares have considerably grown. While, in 1998, foreigners were only significant in some coastal municipalities (with a maximum share of 6.6%), in most areas proportions remained around 1 per cent. Yet, in 2009, the percentage of foreigners rose throughout the metropolitan area and local levels fluctu- ated from a minimum of 2.1 per cent and a maximum of 25.3 per cent. As for the situation in the city of Barcelona itself, percentages also increased – especially in years when immigra- tion flows were at their highest – acting as immi- grant’s main gateway into Catalonia (Bayona 2007).
Consequently, immigration has once more become, as during the 1950s and 1960s, the main driving force of demographic growth. However, in contrast with before, the key role is presently played by foreign citizens (Domingo et al. 2004). Despite disparities in numbers, almost all RMB municipalities have grown. While growth rates in Barcelona itself and its neighbouring municipalities have been
SUBURBANISATION AND INTERNATIONAL IMMIGRATION 315
© 2011 The Authors Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie © 2011 Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG
moderate, growth rates have been higher in those situated further away (Figure 2).
Table 1 shows demographic dynamics for metropolitan municipalities grouped by dis- tance to Barcelona (10 km rings, consider- ing distance between the two municipality centres). Between 1998 and 2009 the central city recovered about 120,000 residents (+8.2%). In other words, after 20 years of losses, it recuperated positive growth. As for the metropolitan region as a whole, the impact of foreign immigration is equally relevant: according to the padrón, in that period, the RMB gained 736,300 inhabitants (Table 1), or, what is the same, population
increased by 17.3 per cent. This was mainly due to net migration, as only 123,515 of these new residents can be attributed to natural growth (the result of 545,225 births minus 421,710 deaths) and, therefore, 612,785 of them are due to migratory growth, meaning that, net migration is responsible for 83.2 per cent of the rise.
Turning to the nationality perspective but leaving the effect of Spanish citizenship acqui- sition aside, we can observe that the number of foreigners increased to 663,667 newcomers. In other words, 90 per cent of the total population growth was due to the increase of foreigners (Table 2).
Source : 1 January 1998 and 2009 Padrón, data provided by Idescat.
Figure 1. Proportion of foreigners in the RMB municipalities 1998 and 2009.
Source : 1 January 1998 and 2009 Padrón, data provided by Idescat.
Figure 2. Population growth rate in RMB municipalities 1998–2009.
316 JORDI BAYONA-CARRASCO & FERNANDO GIL-ALONSO
MIGRATION’S IMPACT ON RMB SETTLEMENT AND SEGREGATION PATTERNS
Spatial distribution changes: distance to Barce- lona as a key factor – Table 2 shows Spanish and foreign population distribution by distance to Barcelona. While the central city and its nearest municipalities have lost autochthonous population, those further away have gained it. Barcelona’s Spanish dwellers have fallen by 8.9 per cent and those in municipalities nearest to it (situated at less than 10km away) by 13.2 per cent. Therefore, among them, in 11 years, they have lost 239,863 Spanish residents. Mean- while, the rest of the RMB has won 312,496 Spaniards. Even though the foreign population
living in municipalities situated at more than 20 km from the central city has risen, the growth of Spanish nationals have been even larger. Municipalities located at more than 30 km from the central city, which have grown a 48.4 per cent, offer a clear example, as Spanish citizens increase have nearly doubled those of foreigners (+123,093 compared to +62,144 foreign citizens).
Foreign population increased throughout the RMB, and particularly in the core city and the inner ring municipalities (less than 10 km away), the former added 252,278 new foreign residents, while the latter 142,403 (the most important increase in relative terms). There- fore, the highest relative increases were observed in this type of municipalities and
Table 1. Natural change, total and migratory growth in the city of Barcelona and in the RMB municipalities grouped by distance to Barcelona 1998–2009.
(%) Total growth
(%) Net migration
(%) Internal net migration
(%) External net migration (to RMB)
Barcelona -25,734 -1.7 122,201 8.2 147,935 9.9 -186,611 -12.4 334,546 22.3 Less than 10 km 23,667 2.8 32,617 3.9 8,950 1.1 -69,339 -8.2 78,289 9.3 Between 10–20 km 62,872 6.9 200,627 22.2 137,755 15.2 73,623 8.1 64,132 7.1 Between 20–30 km 42,960 6.9 195,618 31.2 152,658 24.4 75,229 12.0 77,429 12.4 Between 30–40 km 11,652 6.6 91,964 51.7 80,312 45.2 56,871 32.0 23,441 13.2 Between 40–50 km 5,574 3.6 66,562 43.1 60,988 39.5 33,654 21.8 27,334 17.7 More than 50 km 2,524 5.0 26,711 53.0 24,187 48.0 16,573 32.9 7,614 15.1 RMB 123,515 2.9 736,300 17.3 612,785 14.4 0 0.0 612,785 14.4
Source : Idescat data on flows (1998–2008, MNP and EVR) and stocks (1998–2009, Padrón continuo).
Table 2. Relative and absolute change in the population size by nationality and distance to Barcelona, Metropolitan region of Barcelona, 1998–2009.
Total Spaniards Foreigners
Barcelona 122,201 8.2 -130,077 -8.9 252,278 785.7 Less than 10 km 32,617 3.9 -109,786 -13.2 142,403 1371.2 Between 10 and 20 km 200,627 22.2 91,126 10.2 109,501 933.3 Between 20 and 30 km 195,618 31.2 98,277 16.1 97,341 688.4 Between 30 and 40 km 91,964 51.7 66,051 38.1 25,913 556.1 Between 40 and 50 km 66,562 43.1 38,835 25.7 27,727 810.5 More than 50 km 26,711 53.0 18,207 37.2 8,504 587.7 RMB 736,300 17.3 72,633 1.7 663,667 852.0
Source : 1 January 1998 and 2007 Padrón, data provided by Idescat.
SUBURBANISATION AND INTERNATIONAL IMMIGRATION 317
those situated between 10 km and 20 km from Barcelona followed them. As for locations more than 20 km from the core city, they received relatively few foreigners even though numbers grew significantly.
In sum, between 1998 and 2009, the previous de-concentration and suburbanisation trends continued. Barcelona and municipalities nearest to it – those within the first metropoli- tan ring (less than 10 km) – lost share within the RMB total population while those furthest away, gained it. Nevertheless, differences by nationality are large. Indeed, de-concentration particularly concerns Spanish nationals. For- eigners however followed their own or even the opposite trend, strongly growing in the core city and municipalities closest to it. As López- Gay 2008 argues, foreign immigrants, to a certain extent, attenuated and disguised the central city’s de-concentration process, and the city of Barcelona even gained population, underlining Barcelona’s role as the immi- grants’ main gateway into the RMB and Cata- lonia in general. Presently, the highest propor- tions of foreigners are found in Barcelona and inner ring municipalities. Oddly enough, the latter were also those containing less foreign population before 1998 (Figure 3), but the situ- ation has been reversed by the departure of 110,000 Spaniards and the net arrival of 142,000 foreigners.
RMB’s population distribution and segregation by nationality – In comparison to 1998, the 2009 RMB population was not only, in general, less concentrated, but both its com- ponents, Spanish and foreign citizens, also were (Table 3). While the share of the former has progressively diminished, that of the latter has not followed a uniform trend. The first years, during the immigration boom, the share of foreigners living in Barcelona aug- mented. Yet, from then on, the proportion of those residing in the core city fell and that of those doing it in municipalities situated at less than 10km significantly increased. When the two areas are analysed together, it becomes clear that foreigners concentrate in the con- tinuous urban central area. In 1998, 54.5 per cent of foreigners living in the RBM were in Barcelona or in municipalities situated at less than 10km from it. In 2004, the proportion reaches 62 per cent, moderately decreasing in 2009 to 58.9 per cent. This concentration has been fuelled by three factors: geographical proximity to Barcelona; good connections, in terms of public transport, with it; and a common housing market. For foreigners, de-concentration, has only generally meant concentrating in municipalities near the central city, while for Spanish people it has involved moving to the municipalities furthest away from the centre.
1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009
Barcelona Less than 10 km Between 10 and 20 km Between 20 and 30 km Between 30 and 40 km Between 40 and 50 km More than 50 km
Source : 1 January 1998 and 2009 Padrón data, provided by Idescat.
Figure 3. Changes in the proportion of foreigners in the RMB municipalities by distance to Barcelona 1998–2009.
318 JORDI BAYONA-CARRASCO & FERNANDO GIL-ALONSO
Focusing on foreigners’ distribution by continental origin, EU citizens and their ex- ceptional situation should be the first to be highlighted, as, between 1998 and 2009, their share was the only one to increase in the city of Barcelona. This would be related to several factors: recent flow growth, to the power of attraction that the city has on young Europeans (for working or studying reasons), and to a possible over-registration.5 De-concentration is also particularly relevant for Americans (mostly Latin Americans, 55.% of them living in the city of Barcelona in 1998, but only 39.% in 2009), and Asians (from 67.9% to 53.9%), who have mainly settled in nearby municipalities. As observed in Table 3, the suburbanisation process can be divided into two phases. In the first one, between 1998 and 2004, that is to say, when the immigration boom accelerated, there is less de-concentration and therefore the share of foreigners living in Barcelona (and munici- palities nearest to it) even increases due to its role as main gateway into Catalonia. However, in the second phase, from 2004 onwards, the
share of foreigners residing in Barcelona dwindles while, as foreign population gradually extends throughout the metropolitan area, the rest of the municipalities grow.
As a consequence on this redistribution process, present foreigner and local popula- tion’s residential patterns are more similar than what they were in 1998. This conclusion has been reached by applying the index of dissimi- larity6 to the 164 municipalities belonging to the RMB (see Table 4). Despite general simi- larities, there continues to be differences by nationality. EU citizens are presently more seg- regated, as they are increasingly concentrated in Barcelona. A similar trend, though mainly restricted to the period between 1998 and 2004, can be observed among Asians. However, these would rather be converging in inner ring municipalities while becoming less present in Barcelona. Even though it is quite clear that Asians are undergoing a sub
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